In April of 2000, the film adaptation of Bret Easton Ellis’s novel American Psycho was released. Although the film and novel relate the identical story of high society serial killer Patrick Bateman, the satirical thriller was released to critical acclaim, much unlike the novel, which was thought to be too graphic and overtly sexual. Although the film was released in 2000 it takes place in the 1980’s, an era of economic surplus and decadence. While on the surface the film is about the violent exploits of its main character, investment banker Patrick Bateman; Bateman’s behavior in actuality serve as a lens in which we can view the problems inherent within a consumer oriented society. Indeed, in his article for the New York Times entitled Digging Out the Humor in a Serial Killer's Tale Bruce Weber explains, “The humor being aimed for -- a swipe at the blind narcissism of the youthful privileged class during the Reagan 80's.”
Working as an investment banker, a job he knows little about, for his father’s company, Bateman embodies his role as one of the privileged elite. In a conversation with his fiancé Evelyn, a woman with whom he shares no love, the audience learns that Bateman does not actually need this job but simply continues to work there in order to fit in. In an age of growing consumerism the phenomenon of keeping up with the Jones’ began to pervade American society causing Patrick to go to extreme lengths to fit in with his friends, a self-involved apathetic group who often get Patrick confused with other characters. Indeed, Patrick lacks any real connection with any of the other characters in the movie. His conversations are empty. Patrick consistently name drops designers in an attempt to exemplify his economic prowess. Bateman only speaks of what he knows is socially acceptable as David Robinson notes, “Bateman and his Wall Street set are unmitigated consumers and speak in appropriately informed language about specific products, ranging from herb mint facial masks to Valentino Couture suits. Bateman is particularly capable of parroting the language of marketing. ("Courtney, you're going to have the peanut butter soup with smoked duck and mashed squash. New York Matinee called it 'a playful but mysterious little dish.'")” Every word Bateman says is specifically chosen in order to heighten his high-society image. Indeed, in the opening sequence of the movie Bateman says of himself, “There is an idea of a Patrick Bateman; some kind of abstraction. But there is no real me: only an entity, something illusory. And though I can hide my cold gaze, and you can shake my hand and feel flesh gripping yours and maybe you can even sense our lifestyles are probably comparable... I simply am not there.” It is clear through Bateman’s character that consumerism has the power to stifle individuality. In keeping up with the Jones’ Bateman has lost all sense of individuality and taken up a false identity.
Lacking any sense of a real entity due to the intense consumerism in which he is affronted with on a daily basis, Patrick Bateman becomes increasingly desensitized to the emotions of others and reality in itself. Bateman’s desensitization coupled with his overwhelming desire to fit in spawned the violence in which Patrick continuously partakes. The need to fit in, which all the characters in the movie feel, creates a complex web of power struggles. For Bateman, something so trivial as a colleague’s superior business card spawns a murderous rage within. Only through a murderous rampage can Bateman feel powerful, a power he felt was slipping through his fingers due to the perceived superiority of his friends.
Despite the frequency with which Bateman commits these violent murders, and the graphic nature of the crimes Bateman is able to escape any sort of consequences for his actions, even upon confession. When Bateman is spotted with an overnight bag containing the body of his colleague Paul Allen by a friend, his friend is able to see passed the blood soaked bag and notice only the fine craftsmanship and high price tag of Patrick’s bag, immediately asking who makes it. The ignorance of Bateman’s friends to his crimes suggests a frightening reprioritizing of values by American society as well as an inability to listen, understand and see past the bright lights of consumerism. At one point when Patrick is asked what he does, his response of “Murders and Executions” is mistaken for “Mergers and Acquisitions,” showing yet another example of a failure to listen on the part of the successful young American’s Patrick surrounds himself with. Indeed, those around Bateman are only concerned about themselves and their own image. Further leading to Bateman’s sense of helplessness.
Thursday, April 23, 2009
Wednesday, March 25, 2009
paper four rough draft
In her memoir “Coming of Age in Mississippi,” Anne Moody shares the struggles she experienced growing up as a young African American woman in the south, an environment charged with extreme prejudice. Moody’s youth coincided with the civil rights movement of the 1960’s, the culmination of a century worth of racial tensions following the abolition of slavery. As the oldest child in an impoverished African American family living in Mississippi, Moody grew increasingly combative towards these racial tensions as she attempted to understand her role in an American society of increasingly divergent ideals. Indeed, America was becoming a land of two faces. Centreville, the rural town known for its insurmountable prejudices that Moody grew up in, is a stark contrast to the more progressive Jackson, where Moody fought to assert her freedom as an African American. Jackson, and her ties to the Civil rights movement via organizations such as the NAACP, was Moody’s answer to her frustrations and anxieties that were induced by African American complacency to the white supremacy and brutality she grew to accept in Centreville. Through her story, Moody portrays complacent African Americans as African Americans still bound to their masters. In a society, in which every institution, including the government, acts with the aim of keeping African Americans in a state of perpetual oppression, the oppressed must galvanize their efforts and numbers and stand in solidarity.
In the portrayal of her youth in Centreville, Anne Moody depicts a childhood wrought with perpetual fear of the white man’s wrath. This always-present fear manifests itself within the African American community as an unquenchable desire to insure that personal interests and needs are satisfied before those of their neighbors. Within Anne Moody’s life, and the pages of “Coming of Age in Mississippi,” examples abound in which an African American forsakes his peers in order to ensure economic advantage or advantage within the white community. Indeed, throughout Moody’s memoir, she speaks of her African American brothers and sisters who have embraced an Uncle Tom role, with all its perks and securities included. In a novel filled with complex relationships, Moody introduces a character intended to represent the prevalence of Uncle Toms and dangers they inflict. Principle Willis, Moody’s own high school principle, received a payment of $500 dollars for his involvement in the murder of a Samuel O’Quinn, a young man who attempted to organize a NAACP chapter in Centreville. Before his untimely demise, O’Quinn found very few people who wished to risk involvement in an organization such as the NAACP and even fewer that he could trust. In the south, Uncle Tom figures, such as Principle Willis, were ubiquitous as their role served a keen interest for the Southern white population: the perpetuation of control over the African American population from all possible angles. While the prevalence of Uncle Tom’s surely benefited those who played the role as well as the white population, their existence left the African American community deeply fragmented.
Fragmentation within African American society made it impossible to combat injustices. Uncle Toms, a group, which held great power certainly diminished the effectiveness of the civil rights movements, creating deep resentments and distrust within the African American community. However, the seemingly unchangeable conditions in the south were also a direct result of African American fear of the white man. In Centreville and other rural towns in the south, African Americans lived a life of subservience in which they ignored both the brutal attacks on their neighbors as a fact of life and the organizations that were designed to raise them from their sunken level of oppression. As Anne Moody grew into adulthood she began to question the violence and injustice she saw around her. However, her inquiries were constantly discouraged and subverted. The dialogue between Moody and her mother throughout the memoir epitomizes African American resistance to change. When Moody questioned her Mother, Twosweet, on the murder and brutality that surrounded her, her mother diverted the questions with silence or anger. Moody’s questions concerning the NAACP were met with the same response. Twosweet’s response is logical as the mere mention of the NAACP or injustice at the hands of whites was a dangerous subject. Initially Moody accepted her mother’s secrets; however, her anxieties grew with the list of the dead and she quickly became frustrated with the lack of action within the African American Community. The Murder of Emmett Till, a northern African American boy who was slain for whistling at a white woman, prompted no action from the African American community other than quiet disgust and fear. However, shortly after the Emmett Till’s death the white population of Centreville began organizing guild meetings in response to a perceived rise in crimes such as Till’s and the NAACP. As the organization of Guild meetings and the murder’s of Samuel O’Quinn and Emmett Till illustrate, white Americans were quickly able to galvanize forces in response to African American misbehavior and preserve a segregated society to the point of murder.
Solidarity in terms of a shared goal and the enactment of that goal is what was missing from African American society if any degree of liberation was to be achieved. As African Americans quietly and individually accepted their fait, white society acted in synchronized organization with the institutions of America behind them. In Centreville it became blatantly obvious to Moody that the sheriffs department, and organization designed to protect and serve, protected and served white interests. Indeed, Sheriff Cassidy was involved in a conspiracy to inflict a brutal attack on one of Moody’s classmates named Jerry. Rogue cops followed Moody to Jackson as well, where they used excessive force and questionable measures to undermine and discourage black protest. However, law enforcement was not the only arena that utilized their power to propagate white supremacy. The Media also created false images of equality and police passivity. The newspapers were involved in direct sabotage towards the liberation movement with their portrayal of a schism amongst the movement’s leadership. These tactics were extremely effective and numerous, with their instigators present in all levels of society including the federal government. As black resistance increased these tactics became more numerous and Moody began to feel the consequences more directly. The federal government role became more apparent to Moody, as she says, “ The more I thought about it, the more it seemed that the federal government was directly or indirectly responsible for most of the segregation, discrimination, and poverty in the South” (315). Through their control and division of crop allotments in the rural south, the federal government had the power to keep African Americans in poverty, a power that they liberally acted upon.
The unison of law enforcement, the media and fundamentally the federal government in the perpetual subjugation of African Americans was a force that the subjugated could not counter individually. Economically paralyzed due to the acts of the Federal government and living in constant fear of brutality, galvanization efforts, a method which white Americans successfully employed for their aims, was the only way to counter attacks from all levels of society. The NAACP, an organization that worked to advance African American rights, created an avenue for Americans of all races to join together in protest. In solidarity, members of the NAACP worked together to advance their aims, giving members the courage and numbers to actually achieve their aims. Many African Americans, especially those in rural areas refused involvement in organizations such as the NAACP due to fear of brutality and job loose. Moody herself was apprehensive prior to joining; however, Moody’s own story illustrates the power of solidarity in conquering fear and actualizing goals. Even prior to her involvement in the NAACP, Moody found that the development of relationships gave her courage to stand up for herself. In her strike of the Nazareth cafeteria in her second year of college, Moody spearheaded a successful renovation of dinning hall procedures with the help of her fellow students. Together the group attained change; however, when the group became fragmented and some students resumed eating at the cafeteria her ultimate aim of the dismissal of Miss. Harris, the matron of the cafeteria,) became impossible. The same model of success through group solidarity and failure through fragmentation can be seen in Moody’s involvement with the NAACP, SNCC and CORE organizations. In these organizations, members quickly bonded sharing stories and deep resentments of the prejudice they faced in their youth. Members were also exposed to workshops where they could learn from each other and introduced to successful African Americans, a source of inspiration and motivation. These groups united members together and in action. Involvement in these organizations linked members with a purpose, Moody explains, “That summer I could feel myself beginning to change. For the first time I began to think something would be done about whites killing, beating, and misusing Negroes. I knew I was going to be a part of whatever happened” (278). SNCC left Moody feeling purposeful, powerful and capable of changing conditions. However, the ability of these organizations to achieve their goals and leave members feeling as Moody did was directly tied to the amount of recruits committed to the cause. Alone or with only a few others, as Moody was when she sat in the white section of a train station, protest is entirely ineffective. On the other hand, when NAACP and SNCC were able to organize vast demonstrations, such as the NAACP protest at the state fair in Jackson, they left whites fearful. Moody elaborates, “In Jackson there had been one point when I could see white folks actually tremble with fear. At times when we were having mass demonstrations we had them so confused they didn’t know what to do. Whenever I could detect the least amount of fear in any Mississippian, I felt good. I also felt there was a chance of winning the battle regardless of how costly it turned out to be” (314). The fear the protestors induce from their devotion and their vast numbers is the only power they have against whites, which control all other American institutions.
Although she did not realize it till much late in life, Anne Moody grew up in a society and under a government dominated by white Americans with the aim of continuing white supremacy. Her memoir “Coming of Age in Mississippi,” is a gateway into the life of a young girl living under these impressive transitioning into a young woman who learns how to combat these oppressive forces. Through her youth living amongst a subservient non-combative black population and her involvement with politically and racially charged civil rights groups such as the NAACP, Moody presents the fight for equality under a government oppressive in all of its institution only possible through the galvanization of efforts and the solidarity of the oppressed.
In the portrayal of her youth in Centreville, Anne Moody depicts a childhood wrought with perpetual fear of the white man’s wrath. This always-present fear manifests itself within the African American community as an unquenchable desire to insure that personal interests and needs are satisfied before those of their neighbors. Within Anne Moody’s life, and the pages of “Coming of Age in Mississippi,” examples abound in which an African American forsakes his peers in order to ensure economic advantage or advantage within the white community. Indeed, throughout Moody’s memoir, she speaks of her African American brothers and sisters who have embraced an Uncle Tom role, with all its perks and securities included. In a novel filled with complex relationships, Moody introduces a character intended to represent the prevalence of Uncle Toms and dangers they inflict. Principle Willis, Moody’s own high school principle, received a payment of $500 dollars for his involvement in the murder of a Samuel O’Quinn, a young man who attempted to organize a NAACP chapter in Centreville. Before his untimely demise, O’Quinn found very few people who wished to risk involvement in an organization such as the NAACP and even fewer that he could trust. In the south, Uncle Tom figures, such as Principle Willis, were ubiquitous as their role served a keen interest for the Southern white population: the perpetuation of control over the African American population from all possible angles. While the prevalence of Uncle Tom’s surely benefited those who played the role as well as the white population, their existence left the African American community deeply fragmented.
Fragmentation within African American society made it impossible to combat injustices. Uncle Toms, a group, which held great power certainly diminished the effectiveness of the civil rights movements, creating deep resentments and distrust within the African American community. However, the seemingly unchangeable conditions in the south were also a direct result of African American fear of the white man. In Centreville and other rural towns in the south, African Americans lived a life of subservience in which they ignored both the brutal attacks on their neighbors as a fact of life and the organizations that were designed to raise them from their sunken level of oppression. As Anne Moody grew into adulthood she began to question the violence and injustice she saw around her. However, her inquiries were constantly discouraged and subverted. The dialogue between Moody and her mother throughout the memoir epitomizes African American resistance to change. When Moody questioned her Mother, Twosweet, on the murder and brutality that surrounded her, her mother diverted the questions with silence or anger. Moody’s questions concerning the NAACP were met with the same response. Twosweet’s response is logical as the mere mention of the NAACP or injustice at the hands of whites was a dangerous subject. Initially Moody accepted her mother’s secrets; however, her anxieties grew with the list of the dead and she quickly became frustrated with the lack of action within the African American Community. The Murder of Emmett Till, a northern African American boy who was slain for whistling at a white woman, prompted no action from the African American community other than quiet disgust and fear. However, shortly after the Emmett Till’s death the white population of Centreville began organizing guild meetings in response to a perceived rise in crimes such as Till’s and the NAACP. As the organization of Guild meetings and the murder’s of Samuel O’Quinn and Emmett Till illustrate, white Americans were quickly able to galvanize forces in response to African American misbehavior and preserve a segregated society to the point of murder.
Solidarity in terms of a shared goal and the enactment of that goal is what was missing from African American society if any degree of liberation was to be achieved. As African Americans quietly and individually accepted their fait, white society acted in synchronized organization with the institutions of America behind them. In Centreville it became blatantly obvious to Moody that the sheriffs department, and organization designed to protect and serve, protected and served white interests. Indeed, Sheriff Cassidy was involved in a conspiracy to inflict a brutal attack on one of Moody’s classmates named Jerry. Rogue cops followed Moody to Jackson as well, where they used excessive force and questionable measures to undermine and discourage black protest. However, law enforcement was not the only arena that utilized their power to propagate white supremacy. The Media also created false images of equality and police passivity. The newspapers were involved in direct sabotage towards the liberation movement with their portrayal of a schism amongst the movement’s leadership. These tactics were extremely effective and numerous, with their instigators present in all levels of society including the federal government. As black resistance increased these tactics became more numerous and Moody began to feel the consequences more directly. The federal government role became more apparent to Moody, as she says, “ The more I thought about it, the more it seemed that the federal government was directly or indirectly responsible for most of the segregation, discrimination, and poverty in the South” (315). Through their control and division of crop allotments in the rural south, the federal government had the power to keep African Americans in poverty, a power that they liberally acted upon.
The unison of law enforcement, the media and fundamentally the federal government in the perpetual subjugation of African Americans was a force that the subjugated could not counter individually. Economically paralyzed due to the acts of the Federal government and living in constant fear of brutality, galvanization efforts, a method which white Americans successfully employed for their aims, was the only way to counter attacks from all levels of society. The NAACP, an organization that worked to advance African American rights, created an avenue for Americans of all races to join together in protest. In solidarity, members of the NAACP worked together to advance their aims, giving members the courage and numbers to actually achieve their aims. Many African Americans, especially those in rural areas refused involvement in organizations such as the NAACP due to fear of brutality and job loose. Moody herself was apprehensive prior to joining; however, Moody’s own story illustrates the power of solidarity in conquering fear and actualizing goals. Even prior to her involvement in the NAACP, Moody found that the development of relationships gave her courage to stand up for herself. In her strike of the Nazareth cafeteria in her second year of college, Moody spearheaded a successful renovation of dinning hall procedures with the help of her fellow students. Together the group attained change; however, when the group became fragmented and some students resumed eating at the cafeteria her ultimate aim of the dismissal of Miss. Harris, the matron of the cafeteria,) became impossible. The same model of success through group solidarity and failure through fragmentation can be seen in Moody’s involvement with the NAACP, SNCC and CORE organizations. In these organizations, members quickly bonded sharing stories and deep resentments of the prejudice they faced in their youth. Members were also exposed to workshops where they could learn from each other and introduced to successful African Americans, a source of inspiration and motivation. These groups united members together and in action. Involvement in these organizations linked members with a purpose, Moody explains, “That summer I could feel myself beginning to change. For the first time I began to think something would be done about whites killing, beating, and misusing Negroes. I knew I was going to be a part of whatever happened” (278). SNCC left Moody feeling purposeful, powerful and capable of changing conditions. However, the ability of these organizations to achieve their goals and leave members feeling as Moody did was directly tied to the amount of recruits committed to the cause. Alone or with only a few others, as Moody was when she sat in the white section of a train station, protest is entirely ineffective. On the other hand, when NAACP and SNCC were able to organize vast demonstrations, such as the NAACP protest at the state fair in Jackson, they left whites fearful. Moody elaborates, “In Jackson there had been one point when I could see white folks actually tremble with fear. At times when we were having mass demonstrations we had them so confused they didn’t know what to do. Whenever I could detect the least amount of fear in any Mississippian, I felt good. I also felt there was a chance of winning the battle regardless of how costly it turned out to be” (314). The fear the protestors induce from their devotion and their vast numbers is the only power they have against whites, which control all other American institutions.
Although she did not realize it till much late in life, Anne Moody grew up in a society and under a government dominated by white Americans with the aim of continuing white supremacy. Her memoir “Coming of Age in Mississippi,” is a gateway into the life of a young girl living under these impressive transitioning into a young woman who learns how to combat these oppressive forces. Through her youth living amongst a subservient non-combative black population and her involvement with politically and racially charged civil rights groups such as the NAACP, Moody presents the fight for equality under a government oppressive in all of its institution only possible through the galvanization of efforts and the solidarity of the oppressed.
Wednesday, February 25, 2009
Paper three rough draft
In the 1930’s the ebb and flow of the American economy reached record lows. The American Economy, previously a system of independent business, and the American Citizens previously self-sufficient now desperately needed governmental assistance. In response to this cry for help, Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal provided direct governmental involvement and aid in an attempt to stimulate the economy and help citizens provide for themselves. The policies of the New Deal and the politics of Franklin Roosevelt placed all American’s as equally deserving of the American creed of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness and called for the banding together of Americans in help of Americans. As crisis unfolded within the borders of the United States, American Citizens struggled to simply survive. The common despair experienced by the citizens of the United States served as a uniting force, providing a sense of togetherness. In retrospect of this truly remarkable decade, Warren Susman examines the emergence of culture and a sense of commitment among American Citizens in the 1930’s. The immergence of culture, or a shared sense of ideas and beliefs, in the 1930’s can be explained by the increased sense of togetherness that Americans felt as a result of their common despair. However, it is arguable that without the advancement of technological developments, which visually and orally united American citizens via photography and radio, that this sense of shared togetherness would not have take hold, and American culture wouldn’t have taken developed as it did in the 1930’s.
In his Commonwealth Club Address during his 1932 presidential campaign, Franklin D. Roosevelt briefly recaps the growth of the American empire from a small nation of yeomen farmers to a nation of industrial giants. Against this backdrop of extreme growth, Roosevelt concedes that a constant discrepancy has existed regarding government involvement in the affairs of its citizens. Although this discrepancy has and always will be a product of the two-party American political system, Roosevelt argues that this unprecedented age of economic depression calls for unprecedented government involvement in business and social affairs. Previous to the Great Depression, American industry was growing as steadfastly as the nations borders. In turn, the government eagerly supported independent business, and monopolization, captivated by the joys and perks of industrialization. However, the joys of industrialization evolved into the woes of depression, monopolization crushing the hopes of small business owners. Equal opportunity, a concept fundamental to the contract between the American government and its citizens, became a distant dream as the frontier closed and small businesses failed. The policies of the New Deal were designed to provide support for citizens drowning in economic depression, however; Roosevelt firmly believed that the United States had become deeply fractured and the only way to emerge from the throws of depression is to unite together. Indeed, Roosevelt states, “The responsible heads of finance and industry instead of acting each for himself, must work together to achieve the common end. They must, where necessary, sacrifice this or that private advantage…should the group ever use its collective power contrary to the public welfare, the government must be swift to protect the public interest.” It is clear that Roosevelt believed that the only way to rise out of the depression was to insure that the government provides assistance through the programs of the new deal and for the people of the untied states to band together.
In his essay Culture as History The Transformation of American Society in the Twentieth Century, Warren L. Susman traces the development of culture in the United States. While culture is certainly not a concept born in the 1930’s, Susman documents changing connotations associated with the word. While previously culture was relegated to the world of art and intellect, the 1930’s brought culture’s transcendence of class boundaries as the word came to mean as Susman defines, “all the things that a group of people in a common geographical area do, the way they do things and the ways they think and feel about things, their material tools and their values and symbols” (153). The rise of American culture that Susman sees when examining the 1930’s, is the actualization of the togetherness that Theodore Roosevelt called for in Commonwealth Club Address. Theodore Roosevelt called for togetherness to combat depression and depression brought citizens together; however, the development of technology dramatically assisted in creating a shared sense of identity, allowing Americans to relate to each other. The advent of polling provided documented evidence of the ideas and beliefs that Americans shared. Even more critical in the recognition of a common thread of American attitudes was the development of photography. Photographic images and picture essays revolutionized the way in which news was conveyed to Americans and the way in which Americans viewed the world. Indeed, pictures were able to touch not only a wider scope of people, including the illiterate, but touch them more profoundly. Words alone cannot convey intensity as a picture can, one cannot see oneself in another’s shoes through words as one can through pictures. Photography’s ability to convey truth and emotion allowed American citizens to relate deeply with their counterparts eternalized on film. Furthermore, as Americans joined together in common despair they joined together in outrage, desperately combating economic depression. As Susman suggests, “The newly developed media and their special kinds of appeal helped reinforce a social order rapidly disintegrating under economic and social pressures that were too great to endure, and helped create an environment in which the sharing of common experience, be they of hunger, dustbowls, or war, made the uniform action for demand for action and reform more striking and urgent” (159). In a time of hopelessness, photography provided a medium in which Americans were able to relate to one another and develop an ever-expanding culture. Furthermore, photography allowed a citizenry united in bitterness as much as in despair to demand change as well as participate in it.
Just as photographic images inspired American Citizens to demand change from their government, the American government utilized photography as a means of gaining public support for the New Deal. The Civilian Conservation Corps, one of the many programs of the New Deal, was created in an attempt to create jobs for unemployed Americans. One facet of the Civilian Conservation Corps was charged with the task of taking pictures and documenting the triumphs and struggles of American citizens. Wilfred Mead, one of the many CCC photographers, represented in his work the image of strong American workers physically toiling their economic woes away. In one example, a young man stands dramatically silhouetted in the sun, holding a sledgehammer with the utmost control. The shot is taken at an upward angle emphasizing the power of the young man. Every element in the composition of Mead’s photograph emphasizes the young man’s ability to achieve an income for himself. While the public would understand the meaning of these compositional elements they would also understand that this man was able to achieve this moderate degree of success due to the help of the New Deal programs. Mead’s photo emphasized the triumphs of New Deal policies; a now infamous photo “Migrant Mother” emphasized the desperate need of the American public for the moderate success and empowerment promised in Mead’s work. “Migrant Mother,” a highly emotional image portrays a mother and her two sons: dirty and homeless. The image of a mother trying to provide for her offspring is a subject that many Americans could relate to in the 1930’s. Indeed, this woman, like many other women desperately needed the New Deal policies. When examining these two photos together, as well as the many thousands of photos compiled throughout the decade, a story of despair to triumph can be easily read.
Images, such as those produced by the CCC, proved highly influential in attaining support for the New Deal as well as creating a feeling of togetherness amongst the American population. Images, thus, were the fulfillment of both of Theodore Roosevelt’s weapons in the battle against the Great Depression. Although the battle waged on and aftermath of the Great Depression was felt for many years, sorrows and anxieties still resonating within American society; the immergence of a common culture in 1930’s largely as a result of the great depression was unthinkably important. Indeed, although photography was the mechanism in which many realized a mutual understanding existed between Americans they did not know, the Great Depression, the subject of the photos, is what truly united citizens.
In his Commonwealth Club Address during his 1932 presidential campaign, Franklin D. Roosevelt briefly recaps the growth of the American empire from a small nation of yeomen farmers to a nation of industrial giants. Against this backdrop of extreme growth, Roosevelt concedes that a constant discrepancy has existed regarding government involvement in the affairs of its citizens. Although this discrepancy has and always will be a product of the two-party American political system, Roosevelt argues that this unprecedented age of economic depression calls for unprecedented government involvement in business and social affairs. Previous to the Great Depression, American industry was growing as steadfastly as the nations borders. In turn, the government eagerly supported independent business, and monopolization, captivated by the joys and perks of industrialization. However, the joys of industrialization evolved into the woes of depression, monopolization crushing the hopes of small business owners. Equal opportunity, a concept fundamental to the contract between the American government and its citizens, became a distant dream as the frontier closed and small businesses failed. The policies of the New Deal were designed to provide support for citizens drowning in economic depression, however; Roosevelt firmly believed that the United States had become deeply fractured and the only way to emerge from the throws of depression is to unite together. Indeed, Roosevelt states, “The responsible heads of finance and industry instead of acting each for himself, must work together to achieve the common end. They must, where necessary, sacrifice this or that private advantage…should the group ever use its collective power contrary to the public welfare, the government must be swift to protect the public interest.” It is clear that Roosevelt believed that the only way to rise out of the depression was to insure that the government provides assistance through the programs of the new deal and for the people of the untied states to band together.
In his essay Culture as History The Transformation of American Society in the Twentieth Century, Warren L. Susman traces the development of culture in the United States. While culture is certainly not a concept born in the 1930’s, Susman documents changing connotations associated with the word. While previously culture was relegated to the world of art and intellect, the 1930’s brought culture’s transcendence of class boundaries as the word came to mean as Susman defines, “all the things that a group of people in a common geographical area do, the way they do things and the ways they think and feel about things, their material tools and their values and symbols” (153). The rise of American culture that Susman sees when examining the 1930’s, is the actualization of the togetherness that Theodore Roosevelt called for in Commonwealth Club Address. Theodore Roosevelt called for togetherness to combat depression and depression brought citizens together; however, the development of technology dramatically assisted in creating a shared sense of identity, allowing Americans to relate to each other. The advent of polling provided documented evidence of the ideas and beliefs that Americans shared. Even more critical in the recognition of a common thread of American attitudes was the development of photography. Photographic images and picture essays revolutionized the way in which news was conveyed to Americans and the way in which Americans viewed the world. Indeed, pictures were able to touch not only a wider scope of people, including the illiterate, but touch them more profoundly. Words alone cannot convey intensity as a picture can, one cannot see oneself in another’s shoes through words as one can through pictures. Photography’s ability to convey truth and emotion allowed American citizens to relate deeply with their counterparts eternalized on film. Furthermore, as Americans joined together in common despair they joined together in outrage, desperately combating economic depression. As Susman suggests, “The newly developed media and their special kinds of appeal helped reinforce a social order rapidly disintegrating under economic and social pressures that were too great to endure, and helped create an environment in which the sharing of common experience, be they of hunger, dustbowls, or war, made the uniform action for demand for action and reform more striking and urgent” (159). In a time of hopelessness, photography provided a medium in which Americans were able to relate to one another and develop an ever-expanding culture. Furthermore, photography allowed a citizenry united in bitterness as much as in despair to demand change as well as participate in it.
Just as photographic images inspired American Citizens to demand change from their government, the American government utilized photography as a means of gaining public support for the New Deal. The Civilian Conservation Corps, one of the many programs of the New Deal, was created in an attempt to create jobs for unemployed Americans. One facet of the Civilian Conservation Corps was charged with the task of taking pictures and documenting the triumphs and struggles of American citizens. Wilfred Mead, one of the many CCC photographers, represented in his work the image of strong American workers physically toiling their economic woes away. In one example, a young man stands dramatically silhouetted in the sun, holding a sledgehammer with the utmost control. The shot is taken at an upward angle emphasizing the power of the young man. Every element in the composition of Mead’s photograph emphasizes the young man’s ability to achieve an income for himself. While the public would understand the meaning of these compositional elements they would also understand that this man was able to achieve this moderate degree of success due to the help of the New Deal programs. Mead’s photo emphasized the triumphs of New Deal policies; a now infamous photo “Migrant Mother” emphasized the desperate need of the American public for the moderate success and empowerment promised in Mead’s work. “Migrant Mother,” a highly emotional image portrays a mother and her two sons: dirty and homeless. The image of a mother trying to provide for her offspring is a subject that many Americans could relate to in the 1930’s. Indeed, this woman, like many other women desperately needed the New Deal policies. When examining these two photos together, as well as the many thousands of photos compiled throughout the decade, a story of despair to triumph can be easily read.
Images, such as those produced by the CCC, proved highly influential in attaining support for the New Deal as well as creating a feeling of togetherness amongst the American population. Images, thus, were the fulfillment of both of Theodore Roosevelt’s weapons in the battle against the Great Depression. Although the battle waged on and aftermath of the Great Depression was felt for many years, sorrows and anxieties still resonating within American society; the immergence of a common culture in 1930’s largely as a result of the great depression was unthinkably important. Indeed, although photography was the mechanism in which many realized a mutual understanding existed between Americans they did not know, the Great Depression, the subject of the photos, is what truly united citizens.
Wednesday, February 11, 2009
paper two rough draft
Question 3)
As the 19th century merged into the 20th century, The United States began to experience a confluence of changing political and social conditions. As immigrants flocked to our land and our own citizens were sent abroad to fight in the name of imperialism, Americans began to experience an identity crisis. The changing conditions in America created a new light on the way in which Americans viewed themselves. No longer defined by westward expansion and a homogeneous population, the identity of the Unites States became ambiguous. Ambiguity created an avenue from change within disenfranchised segments of society, which desperately sought to escape oppression and inequality. Indeed, as normalcy was being redefined, redefining oneself and ones capabilities became a way of escaping oppression. Women in particular capitalized on the opportunities of redefinition, embracing independence beyond previous conception. However, some women, especially African American and Immigrant women, more ferociously clung to the fight for redefinition, the fight for independence.
It is without question that in times of war opportunities for feminine growth abound. As men occupy the barracks, vacancies in the work force allow women to legitimize themselves economically. The Spanish American War in the late 19th century allowed American women to breach the line of traditional domesticity. A new Woman thus emerged as both a wage-earning pillar in family life and independent creatures in themselves. Economic independence left a new taste for equality in the mouths of American women. Furthermore, as American men began to redefine themselves and their relationships to women in the wake of the closing frontier and through the lens of imperialism, social independence, as well as economic independence, became possible. Indeed, as Amy Kaplan suggests, the new imperialistic ways in which men sought to proclaim their manhood at the turn of the twentieth century required the watching eye of the “new woman.” While this new woman peacefully retained her femininity, domesticity, and ultimately her servitude to man, opportunities of travel and work became possible as the audience to masculine conquests of imperialism. Thus, conditions which were created by the closing frontier, conditions that were perpetuated through the length of the Spanish American War, allowed women to expand their roles and the importance of those roles. Although gender equality remained a distant possibility, the circumstances at the end of the 19th century set the stage for female growth and independence.
Just as men and women were not seen as equal sexes, there existed variations in the degrees of equality of women of varying ethnicities. The American climate of the late 19th century, which was marked by the changing roles of men and women, also saw the immergence of an increased expectance of racial equality as immigrants flocked to the United States and African Americans approached 50 years of freedom. Women from these demographic groups faced unspeakable oppression, finding it incredibly difficult to represent themselves as the equals of Anglo-Saxon women let alone the equals of Anglo-Saxons. Furthermore, these groups of women also faced pressure not to abandon their unique heritage in an attempt to gain the opportunities allotted to the most fair-skinned and most masculine segment of the American population. This required a forceful effort on the part of immigrant and African American women to achieve equality. These women cannot rest on the satisfaction of increased social importance and independence as Anglo-Saxon women can. Indeed, a fight for economic independence must be coupled with the growth in social standing.
This case is clearly visible in Kathy Peiss’ “Making Faces: The Cosmetics Industry and the Cultural Construction of Gender, 1890-1930.” In her essay Peiss documents the growth of the cosmetics industry parallel to the growth of female independence. While cosmetics were generally seen as immoral and unrespectable, the antithesis of the traditional American woman, Peiss argues, “Women linked cosmetics use to an emergent notion of their own modernity” (372). By applying makeup despite traditional cultural expectations, American Women were challenging and redefining their roles. While some white women became entrepreneur within the cosmetics industry, most white women were content with the slight expansion of their role in society through the use of cosmetics and their new relationship with the men in their lives. However, women of color and women of foreign decent were forced to fight even harder to separate themselves from the hegemony of a society documented by white men. Not only did these women use cosmetics to present themselves as lighter skinned more feminine creatures, but in astounding numbers they involved their community in efforts to make money from the sale of these increasingly popular items.
Women affectively employed business as a mechanism of breaking the chains of female oppression in the late 19th century. However, in the novel “Bread Givers” by Anzina Yezierska, the heroine employs another weapon in the fight for equality: education. The novel recalls the story of Sara Smolinsky a Jewish immigrant of polish descent that battles her traditional feminine and familial roles by working her way through college. Sara represents the archetype of an empowered woman, surpassing the coquettish girls who legitimize themselves simply through men and makeup. Indeed, not only does Sara challenge social norms by becoming a teacher she denies the methods in which other women obtain their marginal independence, forcibly breaking the chains of inequality.
As the 19th century came to a close the stigmas of feminine independence were slowly being cast away as the social and political spectrum on the United States changed. Most women embraced this change, becoming more independent within the world and in their relationships to men. However, some women surpassed the typical, particularly women of African American and Immigrant statuses. These women were the most disenfranchised within society and thus needed to push the hardest to attain some degree of equality and success.
As the 19th century merged into the 20th century, The United States began to experience a confluence of changing political and social conditions. As immigrants flocked to our land and our own citizens were sent abroad to fight in the name of imperialism, Americans began to experience an identity crisis. The changing conditions in America created a new light on the way in which Americans viewed themselves. No longer defined by westward expansion and a homogeneous population, the identity of the Unites States became ambiguous. Ambiguity created an avenue from change within disenfranchised segments of society, which desperately sought to escape oppression and inequality. Indeed, as normalcy was being redefined, redefining oneself and ones capabilities became a way of escaping oppression. Women in particular capitalized on the opportunities of redefinition, embracing independence beyond previous conception. However, some women, especially African American and Immigrant women, more ferociously clung to the fight for redefinition, the fight for independence.
It is without question that in times of war opportunities for feminine growth abound. As men occupy the barracks, vacancies in the work force allow women to legitimize themselves economically. The Spanish American War in the late 19th century allowed American women to breach the line of traditional domesticity. A new Woman thus emerged as both a wage-earning pillar in family life and independent creatures in themselves. Economic independence left a new taste for equality in the mouths of American women. Furthermore, as American men began to redefine themselves and their relationships to women in the wake of the closing frontier and through the lens of imperialism, social independence, as well as economic independence, became possible. Indeed, as Amy Kaplan suggests, the new imperialistic ways in which men sought to proclaim their manhood at the turn of the twentieth century required the watching eye of the “new woman.” While this new woman peacefully retained her femininity, domesticity, and ultimately her servitude to man, opportunities of travel and work became possible as the audience to masculine conquests of imperialism. Thus, conditions which were created by the closing frontier, conditions that were perpetuated through the length of the Spanish American War, allowed women to expand their roles and the importance of those roles. Although gender equality remained a distant possibility, the circumstances at the end of the 19th century set the stage for female growth and independence.
Just as men and women were not seen as equal sexes, there existed variations in the degrees of equality of women of varying ethnicities. The American climate of the late 19th century, which was marked by the changing roles of men and women, also saw the immergence of an increased expectance of racial equality as immigrants flocked to the United States and African Americans approached 50 years of freedom. Women from these demographic groups faced unspeakable oppression, finding it incredibly difficult to represent themselves as the equals of Anglo-Saxon women let alone the equals of Anglo-Saxons. Furthermore, these groups of women also faced pressure not to abandon their unique heritage in an attempt to gain the opportunities allotted to the most fair-skinned and most masculine segment of the American population. This required a forceful effort on the part of immigrant and African American women to achieve equality. These women cannot rest on the satisfaction of increased social importance and independence as Anglo-Saxon women can. Indeed, a fight for economic independence must be coupled with the growth in social standing.
This case is clearly visible in Kathy Peiss’ “Making Faces: The Cosmetics Industry and the Cultural Construction of Gender, 1890-1930.” In her essay Peiss documents the growth of the cosmetics industry parallel to the growth of female independence. While cosmetics were generally seen as immoral and unrespectable, the antithesis of the traditional American woman, Peiss argues, “Women linked cosmetics use to an emergent notion of their own modernity” (372). By applying makeup despite traditional cultural expectations, American Women were challenging and redefining their roles. While some white women became entrepreneur within the cosmetics industry, most white women were content with the slight expansion of their role in society through the use of cosmetics and their new relationship with the men in their lives. However, women of color and women of foreign decent were forced to fight even harder to separate themselves from the hegemony of a society documented by white men. Not only did these women use cosmetics to present themselves as lighter skinned more feminine creatures, but in astounding numbers they involved their community in efforts to make money from the sale of these increasingly popular items.
Women affectively employed business as a mechanism of breaking the chains of female oppression in the late 19th century. However, in the novel “Bread Givers” by Anzina Yezierska, the heroine employs another weapon in the fight for equality: education. The novel recalls the story of Sara Smolinsky a Jewish immigrant of polish descent that battles her traditional feminine and familial roles by working her way through college. Sara represents the archetype of an empowered woman, surpassing the coquettish girls who legitimize themselves simply through men and makeup. Indeed, not only does Sara challenge social norms by becoming a teacher she denies the methods in which other women obtain their marginal independence, forcibly breaking the chains of inequality.
As the 19th century came to a close the stigmas of feminine independence were slowly being cast away as the social and political spectrum on the United States changed. Most women embraced this change, becoming more independent within the world and in their relationships to men. However, some women surpassed the typical, particularly women of African American and Immigrant statuses. These women were the most disenfranchised within society and thus needed to push the hardest to attain some degree of equality and success.
Thursday, January 22, 2009
My general statement
Upon extensively following the elite medias coverage of the recent presidential inauguration a few basic observations became blatantly apparent.
Fundamentally it is clear that the media has profoundly influenced how the public thinks and feels about our president elect. Although not undeserving, President Obama is universally and blindly loved by the people and the media just as the untouchable civil rights figures of the past. This claim is obvious when examining the media's coverage of the inauguration and the days leading up to it. Not only does the media generally always bestow the light of hope and good faith upon Obama, they also negligently compare him to historical figures beyond criticism: JKF, MLK, even Moses.
Fundamentally it is clear that the media has profoundly influenced how the public thinks and feels about our president elect. Although not undeserving, President Obama is universally and blindly loved by the people and the media just as the untouchable civil rights figures of the past. This claim is obvious when examining the media's coverage of the inauguration and the days leading up to it. Not only does the media generally always bestow the light of hope and good faith upon Obama, they also negligently compare him to historical figures beyond criticism: JKF, MLK, even Moses.
Wednesday, January 21, 2009
A very important inauguration
As the inauguration of the first African American president has concluded, it is debatable if this very important occasion was commemorated appropriately in practice and in the media. Did the ceremonies and media coverage break American myths or simply propagate them. It may be impossible to definitively know. Regardless, these are my observations...
- In the New York Times article published on the day of Obama’s inauguration, times’ journalist Carl Hulse makes sure to note the racial significance within the first sentence of the article. The New York Times as well as the other major national newspapers has been quick to emphasize the racial significance of this historic day. Indeed, this emphasis transcends to American people of all colors, who are found more easily speaking of Obama’s African ancestry rather than his policy or character. Although the racial significance of the election and inauguration of the 44th president is undeniably historic, it can be argued that this excessive focus on the race of our president is counter-productive. For most of our collective history, America has been a profoundly racist society. With the election of our first African American president, American’s have begun to consider them selves post-racial. However, as Colin Powell noted in an interview following the inauguration ceremonies, Barack Obama should be considered a capable and qualified president in this political and economically trying time that happens to be African American. This is not to say that the race of our new president should not be remarked upon at all, on the contrary it is an incredible feat. Obama himself commented on the evolution of civil rights in his inauguration speech when he described himself as “a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served in a local restaurant.” However, Obama did not dwell on this as even the New York Times admitted. (NYT Only once in his 20-minute speech did he refer directly to America's segregated past, and to his own race as the son of a black father from Kenya and a white mother from Kansas. <← greatest cheers from audience in this section)In a time of political and economic instability, the action of the future rather than the conflicts of the past should overwhelm the dialogue of the media.
- The election of an African American president is quite a change to the political spectrum; however, as Bill Clinton quoted to the New York Times, this is a time of new beginnings. Indeed, the change in ruling political parties and the change in governing style is the change we should be embracing on an equal if not higher scale than race. (change in all the things obama pledged: reduction of partisanship, reviving the economy and the middle class)
- The national newspapers emphasize the impact and excitement american citizens experienced at the inauguration (the numbers there show)
- “The countdown to Obama's oath-taking came as Americans gathered in Washington in record numbers for the inauguration, braving midwinter cold and heavy security to witness an event -- the swearing-in of the nation's first African American president -- that for many marked a dramatic break with the past and the dawn of a new sense of possibility.” ← Washington post basically says people are excited because of his race
- Also, emphasize Obama’s quick rise to power. This is a testament to his character.
- In a time of such political and economic instability the people are looking to hold on to something, trying to reassert American greatness. By clinging to this idea of post-racial society we right wrongs of past. Furthermore, we can more easily put all our hope into Obama’s hands as he is seen as the beacon of the end of racisim-tackling a huge problem of the past with a single sweep. What else can he do.
- Throughout the articles quotes about this racially historic day.
- Lots of comparisons between martin luther king and obama. NYT makes it seem like king’s struggles were meager. He came to national prominence not trying to elect an African-American president, but just trying to get us past the depraved practice of blacks being forced to endure the humiliation of standing up and giving their seat on a bus to a white person, some man or woman or child. Also, how far we have come
- Describe obama and king both as national treasures. Stylish, similar in age
- Articles which discuss the historicall importance of inauguration day often talk about mlk as well as other great civil rights leaders (lyndon b Johnson..)
- All in guise of human interest overcoming battle stories.
- Dischotomy in media and the president elect. Media continuiouslly bringing up racial accomplishments while obama makes slight mentions
- his inaugural is shaping up as a watershed event in the nation’s racial history — the culmination of the long struggle for civil rights. “It is a huge civil rights moment,” said the Rev. Jesse Jackson. “Barack Obama has run the last lap of a 54-year race for civil rights.”← as if the fight is over
- interest in washington a largely black community that is often ignored> day of service on mlk day. Focus on black aspect of this. He should be doing this anyways. Interest in local community.
“ The inaugural itself will be at the Capitol, which was built by slaves who baked the bricks, sawed the timber and laid the stone for its foundation. When Mr. Obama delivers his Inaugural Address, he will be looking out across the National Mall, which was once a slave market, beyond the White House, also built by slaves, to the Lincoln Memorial, honoring the president who freed the slaves.”
- While being African american is a huge deal on this day throughout the campaign barrack obama did not advertise himself this way. Couldn’t be niche character. Had to just be a person..how we should see him anyways.
- r. Obama’s inauguration might offer the nation a new turn, and from that the congregations draw hope. But race’s complications are many, and as these members are reminded daily, they often find themselves speaking from starkly different wells of understanding. The inaugural suggests a nation that, even in unity, experiences history from separate racial vantage points. ← the problems aren’t going to disappear
- In the New York Times article published on the day of Obama’s inauguration, times’ journalist Carl Hulse makes sure to note the racial significance within the first sentence of the article. The New York Times as well as the other major national newspapers has been quick to emphasize the racial significance of this historic day. Indeed, this emphasis transcends to American people of all colors, who are found more easily speaking of Obama’s African ancestry rather than his policy or character. Although the racial significance of the election and inauguration of the 44th president is undeniably historic, it can be argued that this excessive focus on the race of our president is counter-productive. For most of our collective history, America has been a profoundly racist society. With the election of our first African American president, American’s have begun to consider them selves post-racial. However, as Colin Powell noted in an interview following the inauguration ceremonies, Barack Obama should be considered a capable and qualified president in this political and economically trying time that happens to be African American. This is not to say that the race of our new president should not be remarked upon at all, on the contrary it is an incredible feat. Obama himself commented on the evolution of civil rights in his inauguration speech when he described himself as “a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served in a local restaurant.” However, Obama did not dwell on this as even the New York Times admitted. (NYT Only once in his 20-minute speech did he refer directly to America's segregated past, and to his own race as the son of a black father from Kenya and a white mother from Kansas. <← greatest cheers from audience in this section)In a time of political and economic instability, the action of the future rather than the conflicts of the past should overwhelm the dialogue of the media.
- The election of an African American president is quite a change to the political spectrum; however, as Bill Clinton quoted to the New York Times, this is a time of new beginnings. Indeed, the change in ruling political parties and the change in governing style is the change we should be embracing on an equal if not higher scale than race. (change in all the things obama pledged: reduction of partisanship, reviving the economy and the middle class)
- The national newspapers emphasize the impact and excitement american citizens experienced at the inauguration (the numbers there show)
- “The countdown to Obama's oath-taking came as Americans gathered in Washington in record numbers for the inauguration, braving midwinter cold and heavy security to witness an event -- the swearing-in of the nation's first African American president -- that for many marked a dramatic break with the past and the dawn of a new sense of possibility.” ← Washington post basically says people are excited because of his race
- Also, emphasize Obama’s quick rise to power. This is a testament to his character.
- In a time of such political and economic instability the people are looking to hold on to something, trying to reassert American greatness. By clinging to this idea of post-racial society we right wrongs of past. Furthermore, we can more easily put all our hope into Obama’s hands as he is seen as the beacon of the end of racisim-tackling a huge problem of the past with a single sweep. What else can he do.
- Throughout the articles quotes about this racially historic day.
- Lots of comparisons between martin luther king and obama. NYT makes it seem like king’s struggles were meager. He came to national prominence not trying to elect an African-American president, but just trying to get us past the depraved practice of blacks being forced to endure the humiliation of standing up and giving their seat on a bus to a white person, some man or woman or child. Also, how far we have come
- Describe obama and king both as national treasures. Stylish, similar in age
- Articles which discuss the historicall importance of inauguration day often talk about mlk as well as other great civil rights leaders (lyndon b Johnson..)
- All in guise of human interest overcoming battle stories.
- Dischotomy in media and the president elect. Media continuiouslly bringing up racial accomplishments while obama makes slight mentions
- his inaugural is shaping up as a watershed event in the nation’s racial history — the culmination of the long struggle for civil rights. “It is a huge civil rights moment,” said the Rev. Jesse Jackson. “Barack Obama has run the last lap of a 54-year race for civil rights.”← as if the fight is over
- interest in washington a largely black community that is often ignored> day of service on mlk day. Focus on black aspect of this. He should be doing this anyways. Interest in local community.
“ The inaugural itself will be at the Capitol, which was built by slaves who baked the bricks, sawed the timber and laid the stone for its foundation. When Mr. Obama delivers his Inaugural Address, he will be looking out across the National Mall, which was once a slave market, beyond the White House, also built by slaves, to the Lincoln Memorial, honoring the president who freed the slaves.”
- While being African american is a huge deal on this day throughout the campaign barrack obama did not advertise himself this way. Couldn’t be niche character. Had to just be a person..how we should see him anyways.
- r. Obama’s inauguration might offer the nation a new turn, and from that the congregations draw hope. But race’s complications are many, and as these members are reminded daily, they often find themselves speaking from starkly different wells of understanding. The inaugural suggests a nation that, even in unity, experiences history from separate racial vantage points. ← the problems aren’t going to disappear
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